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AMERICAN HELLENIC INSTITUTE (AHI) TESTIMONY ON FISCAL YEAR 2022
APPROPRIATIONS BILL
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HON. NICOLE MALLIOTAKIS
of new york
in the house of representatives
Thursday, June 17, 2021
Ms. MALLIOTAKIS. Madam Speaker, I include in the Record remarks from the American Hellenic Institute on the Administration's proposed FY2022 foreign aid budget and U.S. interests in the Eastern Mediterranean. In promoting peace and stability in this critical region, Congress must authorize robust, America-first security assistance to our democratic allies in the Eastern Mediterranean--Greece and Cyprus. Any security assistance which counters U.S. interests, to Turkey and UN
``Peacekeeping'' efforts in Cyprus, namely, will only serve to advance instability and ideological expansionism in this region. Greece and Cyprus are key allies of our Nation, and we must continue to support their security for years to come.
Testimony of Nick Larigakis, President, American Hellenic Institute
(AHI), Fiscal Year 2022 Appropriations Bill, Submitted to the U.S.
House of Representatives
(By Nick Larigakis)
I am pleased to submit testimony to the House on behalf of the nationwide membership of the American Hellenic Institute
(AHI) on the Administration's proposed FY2022 foreign aid budget.
The Administration's budget aims to confront 21st century security challenges. The budget's vision for the United States is to ensure it ``. . . plays a lead role in defending democracy, freedom, and the rule of law'' by recommending a significant increase in resources to: ``strengthen and defend democracies throughout the world; advance human rights; fight corruption; and counter authoritarianism.''
In keeping with the best interests of the United States, AHI opposes: (1) any proposed foreign aid and assistance to Turkey from the United States; (2) any proposed reduction in the aid levels for the UN Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus.
Further, AHI recommends an FY2022 funding level of $1.5 million for NATO ally Greece's International Military Education and Training (IMET) program as authorized for appropriation in The Eastern Mediterranean Security and Energy Partnership Act. The Act also authorized $500,000 for the Republic of Cyprus' IMET program for FY2022, which AHI recommends. In 2020, the U.S. Department of State provided, for the first time, IMET program funding for the Republic of Cyprus. AHI welcomed this policy development, and urges that this policy be continued.
Finally, AHI recommends robust investment for Foreign Military Financing (FMF) assistance for Greece, in the amount of at least $10 million, due to its strategic importance to the United States as the House will see presented in this testimony. The East Med Act authorized appropriations of $3 million for FMF assistance in FY2020.
U.S. Interests in Southeast Europe and the Eastern Mediterranean. The U.S. has important interests in southeast Europe and the eastern Mediterranean. It is in the United States' best interest for the region to be politically, economically, and socially stable, and for democratic principles to flourish, including adherence to the rule of law. Significant commerce and energy sources pass through the region. With Greece's centuries of enduring presence, its close cultural, political, and economic ties to the Mediterranean countries, including Israel; Western Europe, the Balkans, Eastern Europe and the Middle East, Greece is strategically situated in a vital region to be an ideal strategic partner for the U.S.
America Values Its Alliance with Greece. Greece is an immensely valuable link as ``a pillar of stability'' in the region as several high-level U.S. government officials have noted. The U.S.-Greece relationship has reached new heights by virtue of an ongoing Strategic Dialogue, where avenues for cooperation among many sectors, including: regional cooperation, defense and security, and trade and investment, among others, are plotted for implementation. Greece is a pivotal and dependable NATO ally to advance U.S. interests and is a frontline state against terrorism. The Mutual Defense Cooperation Agreement between the United Stales and Greece illustrates the two allies' commitment to address over a longer term the security challenges in the region. The Agreement currently is under revision. After it is upgraded, it will offer more flexibility to deepen cooperation in the defense sector, according to Greece's Minister of Defense Nikos Panagiotopoulos. For its part, Greece further demonstrates its commitment to the Alliance as a top contributor to the defense efforts of NATO. Greece is estimated to spend 2.68% of its GDP on defense expenditures in 2020 in accordance with NATO standards despite battling economic challenges. By percentage of GDP, Greece is second to the U.S.
Greece is also important for the projection of U.S. strategic interests by being home to the most important U.S. military facility in the Mediterranean Sea, Souda Bay, Crete. It is a base from where joint USN/USAF reconnaissance missions and air refueling support for U.S. and NATO operations were implemented successfully, and it continues to be immensely important. In 2020, the United States homeported the Expeditionary Sea Base ship, the USS Hershel ``Woody'' Williams, at Souda Bay, assisting the U.S. armed forces in maritime missions and special operations in both Europe and North Africa. Military installations located at Souda Bay include the NATO Maritime Interdiction Operational Training Centre (NMIOTC) and the NATO Missile Firing Installation
(NAMFI). To illustrate Souda Bay's importance, these figures show the volume of operations conducted there:
In 2020, at least 90 U.S. and 40 NATO (total 130) ships made a port visit at Souda Bay.
It also has been noted by U.S. government officials how Souda Bay allows United States Navy vessels--especially aircraft carriers--the ability to dock, make needed repairs and maintenance, and resupply, all within a couple of weeks and without having to return to Naval Station Norfolk. According to U.S. Ambassador to Greece, Geoffrey Pyatt, in a March, 20, 2021 statement: ``Souda Bay is the jewel in the crown of US-Greece defense cooperation . . . the unique capacities the Souda provides to support US presence in the strategically dynamic East Med.'' To further demonstrate that Greece's value extends well beyond Souda Bay:
NATO Joint-Command HQ: Thessaloniki hosts a NATO Rapid Deployment Corps combined with its Third Army Corps for two years.
Operation Atlantic Resolve: Greece enables a substantial portion of the U.S. Army's 10th Combat Aviation Brigade to enter the European theater through the port of Thessaloniki and to depart through Alexandropoulis. Alexandroupolis is being recognized as a city with increased geostrategic importance, which can also contribute to economic development and energy security.
The 101st Combat Aviation Brigade of the U.S. Army, from October-November 20, 2020, and from February-Mar 21, 2021, stationed and trained at Volos and Stefanovikeio.
The U.S. and Greece held a joint military exercise in May 2021 as part of a larger ``DEFENDEREurope'' program, which, according to the U.S. Army, is ``an annual large-scale U.S. Army-led, multinational, joint exercise designed to build readiness and interoperability between U.S., NATO and partner militaries.'' Greece was one of only four participating countries whose port was used to deploy equipment into Europe and to host a ``DEFENDER-Europe 21'' logistical center.
USAF temporarily operated MQ-9 Reaper Drones from Greece's Larisa Air Force Base.
Increased aircraft and soldier involvement at Stefanovikio Hellenic Army airbase improves NATO transit capability.
The trilateral naval exercise ``Noble Dina'' between the U.S., Greece, and Israel is held annually off of the coast of Souda Bay.
Greece is also an active participant in peacekeeping and peace-building operations conducted by international organizations, including the UN, NATO, EU, and OSCE. In sum, it is evident Greece contributes significantly to U.S. interests. AHI strongly contends these actions justify a robust investment by the U.S. in Foreign Military Financing assistance to Greece.
Regional Instability. The successful projection of U.S. interests in the Eastern Mediterranean depends heavily on the region's stability. A key to peace and stability in the region is for good neighborly relations among NATO members and respect for the rule of law. Therefore, the U.S. has a stake in focusing on the problems that are detrimental to U.S. interests and to call out those who cause instability in the region. Turkey is the fundamental cause of instability in the eastern Mediterranean and broader region:
Turkey's unilateral claims against sovereign Greek territory in the Aegean which are in violation of international law, and Turkey's refusal to refer its unilateral claims to binding international arbitration.
Turkey's aggression against Cyprus which includes its continuing illegal occupation of 37.3 percent of Cyprus.
Turkey's numerous incursions into Cyprus' Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), illegal drilling in Cyprus' EEZ that were supported by Turkish warships and drones, and demonstrated ``gunboat diplomacy.''
Turkey's continuing violations of Greece's territorial waters and airspace, numbering over 7,000 violations in 2020, which are in violation of international and U.S. law, including the Arms Export Control Act (AECA). There were 4,605 airspace and 3,215 maritime incidents.
Illegal immigration via Turkey that threatens Greece's economic development and the peace and stability of Europe.
The Turkey-Libya Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on maritime borders, which has been resoundingly dismissed by the international community as illegal.
Turkey's open support for Hamas, and active role in terror financing.
Turkey's exacerbation of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict by encouraging Azerbaijan's aggression against Armenia, including transiting Syrian mercenaries with ties to jihadist groups to fight on behalf of Azerbaijan. The threat by Turkey of casus belli still stands, and Greece continues to register a considerable number of formal complaints over continued violations of the Greek airspace and territorial waters by Turkey. In fact, Greece's Chief of the Hellenic National Defense General Staff, General Konstantinos Floros, called out Turkey's provocative behavior, stating to an AHI audience on April 1, 2021, that Turkey threatens ``Greece's sovereign rights.'' In addition, Ambassador Pyatt has called the maritime border MoU between Turkey and Libya MoU
``unhelpful'' and ``escalatory'' in nature in previous public statements. He also affirmed the internationally recognized legal concept that ``inhabited islands as a matter of customary international law are entitled to the same treatment as continental territory.'' These reoccurring acts by Turkey are egregious, must cease, and unnecessarily cost the Greek government millions of dollars a year deal with the provocative actions of a NATO member country.
Further, Turkey's continuing occupation of Cyprus, its intransigence in solving the Cyprus problem, and its refusal to recognize the Republic of Cyprus (a prerequisite to Turkey's E.U. accession process), which is a member of the European Union; are detrimental to U.S. interests and contributes to regional instability. To illustrate, Turkey insists on maintaining troop levels illegally on Cyprus, and President Erdogan's promotion of a two-state solution for Cyprus and support for illegally re-opening the beach in Varosha inflame tensions and are in violation of international law and United Nations Resolutions.
In addition, Turkey's actions regarding occupied Cyprus are deeply troubling. Turkey is transforming the former Lefkoniko Airport, located in occupied Cyprus, into a drone base, moving Bayraktar-TB2 drones onto the complex. From occupied Cyprus, these advanced drones are in range of Europe, North Africa, and the Middle East, posing a threat to regional security.
Secretary Antony Blinken, during a January 19, 2021 hearing in front of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, stated:
``Turkey is an ally, that in many ways . . . is not acting as an ally should and this is a very, very significant challenge for us and we're very clear-eyed about it.''
Turkey. Turkey continues to demonstrate it is not a true and dependable U.S. and NATO ally. The U.S. government, both executive and legislative branches, rightly sanctioned Turkey for its procurement of the Russian-made S-400 missile defense system under Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA) in December 2020. Those penalties should be expanded. AHI calls for the continued inclusion of appropriations language that direct the suspension of delivery or transfer of F-35 aircraft to Turkey until reports detailing the impact of Turkey's purchase of the S-400 missile system from Russia on U.S. weapon systems such as the F-35s are provided to Congress. Further, Turkey's invasion of northeast Syria and attack upon U.S.-allied Kurds was not in the United States' best interests and rightfully resulted in the passage by an overwhelming vote in the U.S. House of Protect Against Conflict by Turkey (PACT) Act to sanction Turkey for its actions. In addition, Turkey's support for Hamas has been evident.
President Erdogan has hosted Hamas' top leadership, including individuals designated as global terrorists. In doing so, Turkey is in contravention of the Arms Export Control Act, which requires that the United States cannot supply arms to nations that support international terrorism. Hamas' recent attack against U.S. ally Israel only further highlights Turkey's role as a malign regional influence.
We oppose any foreign aid for Turkey and any other assistance programs from the United State. This includes most favored nation trade benefits including textile quotas and the transfer of any nuclear related assistance which we oppose as not in the best interests of the U.S. AHI applauded the United States' decision to terminate Turkey's designation as a beneficiary developing country under the Generalized System of Preferences (GSP) program, which became effective May 17. 2019. AHI has long argued for this type of action by the U.S. government, especially in testimony presented to this House, until the following actions are taken: (1) the immediate withdrawal of all Turkish troops from Cyprus; (2) the prompt return to Turkey of the over 180,000 illegal Turkish settlers in Cyprus; (3) the Turkish government's safeguarding the Ecumenical Patriarchate, its status, personnel and property, reopening the Halki Patriarchal School of Theology, returning church properties illegally seized, and the reversal of Hagia Sophia's status, returning it to a UNESCO-designated museum; (4) the cessation of violations against Greece's territorial integrity in the Aegean and of its airspace; (5) the cessation of illegal interference in the exclusive economic zone (EEZ) of the Republic of Cyprus; (6) Turkey must cease its support and promotion of a ``two-state'' solution regarding Cyprus, in violation of United Nations resolutions and the position of the U.S. government; (7) Turkey must cease its egregious violations of important United States laws, in particular the Arms Export Control Act & the Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA). Of course, Turkey's ongoing human rights, freedom of speech, and religious freedom violations are problematic.
Cyprus. The illegal military occupation of the Republic of Cyprus by 40,000 Turkish troops continues. As long as the Republic of Cyprus remains under Turkish military occupation, a strong UN peacekeeping force must be maintained on the island. Congress can assist the Republic of Cyprus by reaffirming the United States' position that assistance appropriated for Cyprus should support measures aimed at solidifying the reunification of Cyprus and the unified government in Cyprus. It would provide a settlement, should it be achieved, with a chance to succeed. Therefore, AHI recommends the following language from Title III of the Consolidated Appropriations Act of 2012 be included in the FY2022 State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs Appropriations bill:
Assistance provided to Cyprus under this Act should foremost ensure that the United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP) can fully implement its mandate, while remaining available to also contribute to the creation of a conducive environment for the settlement talks under the auspices of the UN Secretary General's Good Offices. Furthermore, in the event of reunification, further assistance should be used to contribute towards the cost of reunification, including towards monitoring provisions, facilitation for settlement of the property issue, supporting and underpinning the new federal structures of a reunified island and assisting with the construction of a strong unified Cypriot economy able to cope with the new challenges, and strengthening the contacts between the two communities as conducive to reunification, in a way agreed to between the United States and Cyprus.
The last UN-led attempt, which took place in Crans-Montana in 2017, aimed to achieve a just and viable solution to the near 47-year division of the Republic of Cyprus, ended without reaching an agreement because of Turkish intransigence. Instead of helping to provide stability by promoting a just settlement supported by both Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities, Turkey continued to insist on antiquated and obstructive stances, such as its insistence to maintain the Treaty of Guarantee with a right of future unilateral Turkish military intervention.
More recently, during the latest 5+1 informal meeting in Geneva at the end of April 2021, aiming to assess whether there was sufficient common ground for the resumption of the negotiations, Turkey fundamentally changed its official position on the form of settlement of the Cyprus problem, insisting on a ``two-state-solution'' to solidify its occupation of the island, contrary to UN Security Council resolutions and the stated position of the United States government.
Furthermore, Turkey hinders the humanitarian work of the Committee on Missing Persons (a previous recipient of USAID support) by denying access to areas under its occupation, including Turkish military zones, in order to excavate for the remains of 996 Cypriots still missing (including four U.S. citizens) following the Turkish invasion of Cyprus in 1974.
Congress should call on Ankara to constructively support the reunification efforts, in accordance with the UN Security Council Resolutions calling for a bizonal, bicommunal federation, as well as for a solution that embodies the full respect of the principles and laws of the European Union, of which Cyprus is a member state. The new state of affairs ought lo safeguard that a reunified Cyprus would have a single international legal personality, a single sovereignty and a single citizenship. Finally, AHI welcomed Secretary of State Antony Blinken's testimony to the House Committee on Foreign Affairs on March 10, 2021, where he stated ``American diplomacy will be fully engaged'' on the issue of a Cyprus settlement.
AHI is also concerned with energy security. AHI contends the U.S. must continue to support the sovereign rights of the Republic of Cyprus to explore and develop the resources within its EEZ free of any third-party interference and to underscore the importance of avoiding any actions that escalate tension. As mentioned, Turkey's threats in Cyprus' EEZ endanger U.S. companies. In addition, Turkey's illegal actions in Cyprus' EEZ raise tensions and security concerns, hindering any real chance for the resumption of settlement talks.
International Military Education & Training (IMET)--Greece and Cyprus. AHI recommends FY2022 funding for Greece's IMET program at $1.5 million and the Republic of Cyprus's IMET program at $500,000. The recommended funding levels are in line with the authorization of appropriations passed in The Eastern Mediterranean Security and Energy Partnership Act. For Greece, the country experienced 11 fiscal years (FY2006-FY2017) of a steady decline of its IMET funding levels. It resulted in the drastic decrease in the number of Greek military students participating in the program. An investment of $1.5 million in FY22 will help address that 11-year decline in funding, but more investment is needed to make up for ``lost time.'' For the Republic of Cyprus, which received its first IMET program funding in FY21, it is critical to continue this investment in FY22. It will be the next step in a series of positive developments since the Statement of Intent that the U.S. and Republic of Cyprus signed in November 2018. Since then, Cyprus has assigned a defense attache to the Embassy in Washington, the Cyprus Center for Land, Open-Seas, and Port Security (CYCLOPS), an innovative security site that has been partially funded by the U.S., is scheduled to begin operations in January 2022; and the U.S. implemented a partial lifting of an arms prohibition on Cyprus. The U.S. must fully and permanently lift its arms prohibition on Cyprus and remove Cyprus from the list of countries to which arms sales are prohibited under International Traffic in Arms Regulations (ITAR) and calls for appropriations language to direct this of the U.S. Department of State.
The IMET program advances the professional military education of the Greek and Cypriot Armed Forces. It enhances interoperability with U.S. forces, and in Greece's case, NATO forces. Through the training of Greek and Cypriot military and noncommissioned officers in a multitude of professional military education and technical courses in the U.S., IMET offers strong U.S.-Greece and U.S.-Republic of Cyprus mil-to-mil relations. It is an effective and wise investment toward a key component of U.S. security assistance. It also helps the U.S. because it contributes toward the strengthening of U.S. security interests in an important part of the world by training and promoting the professionalization of the Greek and Cypriot Armed Forces.
Thank you for the opportunity to present them in our written testimony to the House.
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SOURCE: Congressional Record Vol. 167, No. 106
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